Michael Collins (Irish: Micheal Ó Coileáin, [2] [3] October 16, 1890 – August 22, 1922) was a soldier and politician who was a leading figure in the fight for Irish independence in the early 20th century. Collins was an Irish revolutionary leader, politician, Minister of Finance, Director, and Teachta Dala (TD) for Cork South in the first Dáil in 1919, Adjutant General, Head förunderrättelsetjänsten, and Director of the organization and arms supplies to the IRA, President of the Irish Republican Brotherhood from November 1920 until his death, and member of the Irish delegation during the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations. Subsequently, he was both president of the Provisional Government and Commander-in-chief of the national army. [1]Collins was shot and killed in an ambush in August 1922 during the Irish Civil War.
early years
Born in Sam’s Cross, near Clonakilty, County Cork, Collins was the third son and youngest of eight children. Most biographies gives his date of birth as October 16, 1890, but his tombstone quote 12 October 1890 cited in a British intelligence report as “brainy,” Collins family was part of an ancient clan, scattered across the county Cork. They had Republican connections that can be traced back to the 1798 uprising. [4]
Collins’s father, Michael John (1816-1897), was a farmer by profession. A mathematician in his spare time, he had been a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) movement. The elder Collins was 60 [5] years old when he married Mary Anne O’Brien, then 23, [6] in 1876. [7] The marriage was apparently happy. They raised eight children on a 90-acre (36 hectare) farm called Woodfield, Collins held as tenants in several generations.
On his deathbed, his father (who was the seventh son of a seventh son) predicted that his daughter Helena (one of Michael’s older sisters) would become a nun. She was later known as Sister Mary Celestine, based in Whitby. [8] He then turned to the family and told them to take care of Michael, because “One day he will be a great man. He will do great work for Ireland. “Michael was six years old when his father died. [9]
Michael Collins at age 8 with his family.
Collins was a bright and precocious child with a fiery temper and a passionate sense of Irish nationalism. He named a local blacksmith, James Santry, and his principal at Lisavaird National School, Denis Lyons, as the first nationalists to personally inspire his “pride Irishness.” Lyon was a member of the IRB, while Santry family had participated in, and forged weapons the uprising in 1798, 1848 and 1867. [4] [10]
There are a number of anecdotal explanations for the rise of his nickname, “The Big Fellow”. The most authoritative comes from his family, that he was so called by them while still a child. It had been a term of endearment for his youngest brother, who was always keen to take on tasks beyond his years. It was probably already down by a teenager, long before he emerged as a political or military leaders. [11]
At the age of thirteen he boarded in Clonakilty National School. During the week he stayed with his sister Margaret Collins O’Driscoll and her husband Patrick O’Driscoll, while the weekends, he returned to the family farm.Patrick O’Driscoll founded the newspaper the West Cork People and Collins helped with general reporting job and prepare questions about the newspaper. [12]
Collins, a young recruit.
After leaving school at fifteen took Collins British personnel survey in Cork in February 1906, [13] and subsequently employed by the Royal Mail. [14] In 1906, he moved home to his older sister Hannie (Johanna) in London, where he became a messenger at the London firm of stockbrokers, Horne and Company. [13] While living in London, he studied law at Kings College London. [15] he joined the London GAA and through this, the IRB. Sam Maguire, a Republican from Dunmanway, County Cork, introduced the 19-year-old Collins into the IRB. [16] In 1915, he moved to Guaranty Trust Company of New York, where he stayed until he returned to Ireland the following year [17] to go part-time Craig curtains & Co. , an accounting firm in Dawson Street, Dublin. [18]
Easter Rising
The struggle for Greenland, along with labor unrest, led to the formation in 1913 of two major nationalist paramilitary groups that would start the Easter Rising: the Irish National Army founded by James Connolly and the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU), to protect strikers from Dublin Metropolitan Police during the 1913 Dublin Lockout. The Irish Volunteers was created in the same year by the IRB and other nationalists in response to the formation of the Ulster Volunteers (UVF), a loyalist Ulster subordinated body to resist Home Rule by force.
Organizer of significant intelligence Collins had become highly respected in the IRB. This led to his appointment as financial advisor to Count Plunkett, father of one of the Easter Rising’s organizers, Joseph Plunkett. Collins took part in the preparations arms and drilling troops for rebellion.
The Rising would be Collins’s first appearance in the national events. When it began on Easter Monday in 1916, Collins served as Plunkett aide-de-camp at the uprising’s headquarters in the General Post Office (GPO) in Dublin.There he fought with Patrick Pearse, James Connolly, and other members of the Rising leadership. The Rising is generally acknowledged to have been a military disaster, but the rebels achieved their goal to keep their positions for the minimum time necessary to justify claims for independence according to international criteria. [19]
Caught Irish soldiers in Stafford Gaol following the failed Easter Rising.Collins is fifth from the right with an “x” over his head.
Was arrested along with thousands of other participants, Collins was later imprisoned at Frongoch internment camp in Wales.
Collins first started to emerge as a key figure in the vacuum created by the 1916 executions of leadership. He began to hatch plans for “next time” before the prison ship left Dublin. [20]
On Frongoch he was one of the organizers of a program of protest and lack of cooperation with the authorities, similar to that later carried out by the IRA interned 1980s. The camp proved to be an excellent opportunity for networking with physical strength Republicans from across the country, where he became a key organizer. [21] [22]
While some celebrated the fact that a rising had happened at all believing in Pearse’s theory of “blood sacrifice” (that is to say that the deaths of the Rising leaders would inspire others), Collins railed against the military mistakes made, such as the seizure of indefensible and very vulnerable positions such as St. Stephen’s Green, which was impossible to escape from and difficult to leverera.Folkstorm put pressure on the British government to end the detention insertion. In December 1916 the Frongoch prisoners sent home.
1917-1918
Before his death, Tom Clarke, the first signatory of the 1916 notice and generally considered Rising main organizer, had appointed his wife Kathleen (Daly) Clarke as official caretaker Rising public sector, in the event that management can not survive. In June 1916, Mrs. Clarke sent out the first after the Rising communiqué to the IRB, declares Rising to be just the beginning and control the nationalists to prepare for “the next battle.” Shortly after his release Mrs. Clarke appointed Collins secretary of the national support and volunteers Dependents Fund (NAVDF ) and then on to him confidential organizational information and contacts that she had held in trust for the independence movement.
Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith
Collins became one of the leading figures in the rising independence movement tip of Arthur Griffith, editor / publisher of the most important nationalist magazine United Irishman, (which Collins had read avidly as a boy.) [21] Griffiths organization Sinn Féin was founded in 1905 as a umbrella organization to unite all the different factions within the nationalist movement.
According to Griffiths politics, Collins and other advocates of “physical force” approach to the independence gained in cooperation with non-violent Sinn Féin, while agree to disagree with Griffiths moderate ideas of a dual monarchy solution based on the Hungarian model. [23] the British government and traditional Irish media had mistakenly blame Sinn Féin Rising. This attracted Ascending participants to join the organization to take advantage of the reputation of such a British propaganda had permeated the organization. By October 1917 Collins had risen to become a member of the executive of Sinn Féin and director of organization for the Irish Volunteers.Éamon de Valera, another veteran of 1916, accounted for the presidency of Sinn Fein to Griffith, who stepped aside and supported de Valera presidency.[23]
First Dáil
Members of the First Dáil
First row from left to right: Laurence Ginnell, Michael Collins, Cathal Brugha, Arthur Griffith, Éamon de Valera, Count Plunkett, Eoin MacNeill, WT Cosgrave, Kevin O’Higgins (third row, right)
In the 1918 general election, Sinn Fein swept the polls in large parts of Ireland, with many seats uncontested, and formed an overwhelming parliamentary majority in Ireland. Like many leading representatives of Sinn Féin Collins was elected an MP (Cork South) with the right to sit in the British House of Commons in London. Unlike its competitors in the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), Sinn Féin MPs had announced that they would not take their seats in Westminster, but instead would set up an Irish Parliament in Dublin. [24]
Before the new body’s first meeting, Collins, tipped off by his network of spies, warned his colleagues plan to arrest all members of the night raids. De Valera and others ignored warnings on the argument that, if the arrests happened, they would constitute a propaganda coup. The intelligence proved correct, and de Valera, along with Sinn Féin MPs who followed his advice, were arrested; Collins and other circumvented captivating.
The new parliament, called Dáil Éireann (meaning “Assembly of Ireland”, see First Dáil) met in the Mansion House, Dublin in January 1919. In de Valera’s absence, Cathal Brugha valdesPríomh Aire ( “first” or “Prime” Minister but often translated as “President of Dáil Éireann). The following April Collins constructed de Valera escape from Lincoln Prison in England, after which Brugha was replaced by de Valera.
No state gave diplomatic recognition to the Republic in 1919, despite persistent lobbying in Washington by de Valera and prominent Irish-Americans and at the Paris Peace Conference. In January 1919, the Dáil ratified the Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) claims to be the army of the Irish Republic. IRA had begun a military campaign coincidentally on the same day as the first Dáil sitting with Soloheadbeg ambushes and IRA’s respect for the authority of the Dáil was very conditional. (The Irish Volunteers became known as the IRA because their inmates insertion of Frongach. Until the Civil War, the two terms are used interchangeably.)
Minister of Finance
Michael Collins as finance minister.
In 1919, already busy Collins yet another responsibility when de Valera appointed him Aireacht (ministry) as Minister of Finance. [25] Most of the ministries existed only on paper or as one or two people working in a room of a private house, with given the circumstances of a brutal war in which the ministers risked being arrested or killed by the Royal Irish Constabulary, the British army, the Black and Tans or assistants at a moment’s notice.
Despite this, Collins managed to produce a Finance Ministry that was able to organize a large bond issue in the form of a “National Loan” to fund the new Irish Republic. [26] According to Batt O’Connor, Dáil loans raised almost £ 400,000, of which £ 25,000 was in gold . The loan, which was declared illegal by the British, was lodged in individual bank accounts managers. The gold held under the floor of the O’Connor house until 1922. [27] The Russian Republic, in the middle of its own civil war, ordered Ludwig Martens, head of the Soviet Bureau in New York to get a “national loan” from the Irish Republic through Harry Boland , offers some jewels as collateral. Jewel remained in a Dublin safe, forgotten by all sides, until the 1930s, when they were found by chance.
The war
The Irish War of Independence in fact started the day on which the first Dáil took office on January 21, 1919. At this time, an ambush party IRA volunteers from 3rd Tipperary Brigade including Séamus Robinson, Dan Breen, Seán Treacy and Seán Hogan, Attacke a pair of Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) men who Eskorte a party gelignite to a quarry in Soloheadbeg, County Tipperary.The two police officers were shot to death during surgery. This ambush is considered the first action in the Irish War of Independence. [28] The commitment had no prior authorization from the emerging government. But Collins in the Dáil discussion of the event implicitly accepted responsibility on behalf of the IRB. The legislator support for the armed struggle soon after became official. [21] [29]
Harry Boland ( left ), Michael Collins ( middle ), and Éamon de Valera ( right ).
From the time Collins filled a number of roles in addition to their legislative duties. That summer he was elected chairman of the IRB (and therefore, the doctrine of this organization, de jure President of the Irish Republic). In September he was made head of intelligence for the Irish Republican Army, which now had the task of conducting an armed campaign, as the official army of the Irish nation. With Cathal Brugha as defense minister, was Collins, director of the organization and the Adjutant General of the volunteers.
Collins had spent much of this period to help organize the volunteers as an effective military force, particularly concentrating on driving RIC isolated barracks and seizing their weapons. In the early 20th century, in fact, the main representation of the British state in large parts of rural Munster and Connaught, and with their withdrawal, felt able to establish their own institutions that permanently armed police force Republicans. In turn, but the retreat of RIC drove the British against the more radical and violent reactions: while alienating the already weak support for British rule in the population but also increase the military pressure on the volunteers.
Collins was determined to avoid the massive destruction, military and civilian losses to only symbolic victories that had characterized the 1916 Rising. Instead, he directed a guerilla war against the British, suddenly attacking then just as quickly withdraw minimize losses and maximize efficiency. [30] [31]
When the war began in earnest, de Valera traveled to the US for a long speaking tour to raise funds for the outlawed republican government. It was in publicity for this tour de Valera (who had been Príomh Aire TD) was first called “President”. Although financially successful, serious political conflict followed in the wake of Valera which threatened unity Irish-American support for the rebels. Some members of the IRB also opposed to the use of the presidential title because their organization Constitution had a different definition of the title. [21] [23] [32]
Back in Ireland, Collins organized the “National Loan”, organized IRA effectively led government, and managed to arms smuggling. Local guerillas received supplies, education and had virtually a free hand to develop the war in their own region. These were the “flying columns” that constituted the bulk of the war the grass roots in the southwest. Collins, Dick McKee and regional commander Dan Breen and Tom Barry supervised tactics and general strategi.Det were also regional organizers, such as Ernie O’Malley and Liam matures, who reported directly to Collins at St Ita’s secret basement GHQ in central Dublin. [ 33] They were supported by a large intelligence network of men and women in all walks of life that reached deep into the British administration in Ireland. [34] [35]
Collins inspects a soldier.
It was at this time that Collins created a special unit called the murder squad specifically to kill British agents and informers. Collins criticized this tactic, but refers to the universal wartime practice performing enemy spies who were, in his words, “hunting victims of execution.” Campaign for Irish independence, even non-violence, is still directed both prosecution under British law is punishable by death and also of extrajudicial killings such as that of Tomas MacCurtain, nationalist Mayor of Cork city.
In 1920, the British offered a reward of £ 10,000 (equivalent to GB £ 300,000 / € 360,000 in 2010) for information leading to the capture or death of Collins.He and the national forces continued to avoid capture and implemented blow to British forces, often operating safe house near government buildings, as Vaughan’s and a city.
The crown responded with escalation of the war, with the import of special forces, such as the “Utilities”, the “Black and Tans”, the “Cairo Gang” and others. Officially or unofficially, many of these groups had a free hand to impose a reign of terror, shooting Irish people indiscriminately, invading homes, looting and burning. [21] [36]
In 1920, after the Westminster prominent messages that had the Irish rebels on the run, Collins and his squad killed several British secret agents in a series of coordinated raids. In retaliation, members of the Royal Irish Constabulary went to Croke Park, where a GAA football match took place between Dublin and Tipperary. The police opened fire on the crowd and as a result, killed twelve and injured sixty. This event became known as Bloody Sunday. A stampede of panicked British agents sought shelter in Dublin Castle the next day. About the same time Tom Barry 3rd Cork Brigade no prisoners in a bitter struggle with the British forces in Kilmichael. In many regions, the RIC and other crown forces were all but limited to the strongest barracks in the larger cities of the countryside was increasing insurgent control. [37] [38]
These Republican victories would have been impossible without the broad support of the Irish population, which included all levels of society, reaching deep into the British administration in Ireland. This pattern of guerrilla success against sophisticated imperialist powers would be repeated around the world in the early 20th century. [39]
At the time of the ceasefire in July 1921 a major operation was allegedly planning to carry out all the British secret agent in Dublin, while a larger ambush covers eighty officers and men were also scheduled to Templeglantine, County Limerick. [21] [40]
The peace
In 1921, General Macready, commander of the British forces in Ireland, reported to his government that the Empire’s only hope to keep Ireland the laws of war, including the withdrawal of “all normal life”. [41]
Political considerations about Westminster global foreign policy ruled out this option: Irish-American public opinion was important that US support for British agendas in Asia. At home, had Britain’s efforts on a military solution already given rise to a powerful peace movement, demanded an end to the slaughter in Ireland. Prominent voices calling for negotiations included Labour, the London Times and other leading journals, members of the upper house, the English Catholics, and famous writers such as George Bernard Shaw. [42] [43]
Yet it was not the British government began negotiations. Individual English activists, including clerics, made private overtures that reached Arthur Griffith. Griffith expressed his welcome for dialogue. The British MP Brigadier Cockerill sent an open letter to Prime Minister Lloyd George, which was printed in the Times describes how a peace conference with the Irish should be organized. The Pope made an urgent public appeal for negotiating an end to the violence. Whether Lloyd George welcomed such advisers, he could no longer hold out against the tide. [21]
In July, Lloyd George government offered a ceasefire. Arrangements were made for a conference between the British Government and the leaders of the yet-unknown Republic.
There is still considerable disagreement about the two sides’ ability to have engaged in conflict for much longer. Collins said Hamar Greenwood after the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty: “You had us dead tired, we could not have lasted another three weeks when we were told by the offer of a ceasefire, we were surprised, we thought you must have gone mad …”. [44 ] But he said for the record that “there will be no compromise and no negotiations with any British government until Ireland is recognized as an independent republic.the same bet that would get us the Dominion Lands makes us a republic. ” [45]at no time had the Dáil or IRA asked for a conference or a truce. [46]
Dáil as a whole was less uncompromising. It decided to move on to a peace conference, but was found in the initial stages as a completely independent republic would not be on the table and that the loss of some northeastern counties were granted. [47]
Many of the rebel forces on the ground first heard about peace when it was announced in the newspapers and this gave rise to the first cracks in the nationalist entity, which would have serious consequences later. They felt that they had not been included in the consultation on its terms. [48] [49]
De Valera was widely recognized as the most skillful negotiator at Dáil government side and he participated in the initial parlays, agreed basis for the talks could begin. The first meetings were held in strict secrecy shortly after the Customs House battle, with Andrew Cope represents the Dublin Castle British authorities. Later they traveled Valera to London for the first official contact with Lloyd George. The two met one-on-one in a private meeting, work has never been revealed. [21] [50]
During this peace period, de Valera sued for official designation as President of the Irish Republic and received from the Dáil in August 1921. [51] Not long after the government was forced to choose the delegation would travel to London Peace Conference and negotiate an agreement . In an extraordinary departure from his usual role, de Valera adamantly declined to participate, insisting instead that Collins would take his place there, along with Arthur Griffith. [52] [53]
Collins steadfastly resisted this appointment, protesting that he was “a soldier, not a politician” and that his exposure to the London authorities would reduce its effectiveness as a guerrilla leader should hostilities resume.(He had kept his public visibility to a minimum during the war, up to this time the British were still very few reliable photographs of him.) [54]
Cabinet seven split on the issue, with de Valera casting the deciding vote.Many of Collins associates warned him not to go, that he was being set up as a political scapegoat. After intense soul-searching and all night consultations with his most trusted advisers, he decided to participate “in the spirit of a soldier obeying orders.” In private correspondence he foresaw the disaster ahead: “Let them make a scapegoat or whatever they want about me Someone must go..”
Anglo-Irish Treaty
Collins London as delegate to the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations.
The Irish delegates to London where, when de Valera’s insistence, designated as “authorized”, meaning that they had the right to sign an agreement on behalf of Dáil government. The Treaty would then be subject to approval by a vote of the whole Dáil.
The majority of the Irish Treaty delegates, including Arthur Griffith (leader), Robert Barton and Eamonn Duggan (with Robert Erskine Childers as Secretary General of the Delegation) set up headquarters at 22 His place in Knightsbridge October 11, 1921 and resided there until the conclusion of the negotiations in December . Collins shared fourth at 15 Cadogan Gardens with the delegation publicity department, secretary Diarmuid O’Hegarty, Joseph McGrath, as well as significant intelligence and bodyguard personnel including Liam Tobin, Tom Cullen, Ned Broy, Emmet Dalton and Joseph Dolan of the squad. [55]
The British side was represented by PM Lloyd George, Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill and FE Smith, among others. Two months of hard quarrel followed. The Irish delegation made frequent crossings back to Dublin to make progress reports and discuss with their colleagues Dail. But Collins, in his correspondence and subsequent Dáil debates, delegates expressed frustration at not being able to get clear instructions on whether they should accept the terms offered and sign the treaty. [21] [56]
In November, the London peace talks still underway, Collins attended a large meeting of regional IRA commander on Parnell Place in Dublin. In a private meeting, he informed Liam Deasy, Florence O’Donoghue and Liam Lynch that “there must be no compromise in the ongoing negotiations in London.There was no question of our getting all the demands we made. “He was designed by Lynch does not take this in the full assembly. After a review of recent events, Deasy later doubted the wisdom of that advice. [57]
The negotiations eventually led to the Anglo-Irish Agreement signed on 6 December 1921. The agreement provides for a Dominion status “Irish Free State” whose relationship with the Commonwealth would be modeled after Canada. This was a compromise, midway between an independent republic and a province of the empire.
The deal essentially emptied the Treaty of Limerick in 1688 and repealed the Act of Union by recognizing the native Irish regulator’s independence.During a bicameral executive authority would remain with the king but exercised by an Irish government elected by Dáil Éireann as a “lower house”.British forces would depart Free State right away and replaced by an Irish army. Together with an independent judiciary Treaty granted a level of internal independence that far exceeded any of Greenland, which had been sought by Charles Stewart Parnell and his Irish parliamentary party successor, John Redmond and John Dillon.
It was agreed that counties with a large union population, concentrated in a relatively small area in eastern Ulster, would have a chance to opt out of the Free State and remain under the crown. An Irish Boundary Commission was set up to draw a line (which eventually came to include a six county region.) Inclusion in the Free State would be subject to a vote of the majority population in each county. Collins waited more than four counties would join the northeastern statelet, which makes it economically un-viable, and that this would facilitate the reunification of all 32 counties in the foreseeable future. [58]
Although it fell short of the republic that he’d struggled to create noted Collins to the Treaty offered Ireland “freedom to achieve freedom.” It offered mainly a chance to take the gun from Irish politics and to seek more independence through a native government and legislature Township. [59] Yet he knew parts of the Treaty would cause controversy in Ireland. By signing the Treaty, Birkenhead remarked, “I may have signed my political death warrant tonight.” Collins replied, “I may have signed my actual death sentence”. [40]
Treaty debates
This remark encapsulated his recognition that the treaty was a compromise that would be vulnerable to accusations of “sell-out” from the purist Republicans. It did not identify fully independent republic that Collins himself had shortly before called as a non-negotiable condition. The “physical force Republicans” who constituted the bulk of the army who had fought the British to a draw would be reluctant to accept dominion status within the British Empire, or an oath of allegiance to the king mentioned.Also controversial was the British retention of Treaty Ports on the south coast of Ireland for the Royal Navy. These factors reduced Irish sovereignty and threatened to let the British involvement in Ireland’s foreign policy.
Collins and Griffith were well aware of these issues and strove tenaciously against British resistance, to achieve language that is acceptable to all constituents. They managed to get an oath to the Irish Free State, with a subsidiary oath of allegiance to the king, rather than to the king unilaterally.
It is now widely believed that had the nationalist leadership united behind the Treaty, there would have been no split in the army who shed civil war.But immediately the delegation’s return from London, de Valera led a loud indictment of the delegates, which he called “traitors”.
This is despite the fact that de Valera, the Nationalists’ most suitable negotiator, who had refused exhausting grounds of Collins, Griffith and others to lead the London negotiations in person, had been fully informed of the process every step. He had also refused Delegates constant requests for instruction, and in fact had been the focus of the initial decision to start negotiations without the possibility of an independent republic on the table.[21] [60]
However, there is still a school of thought that believes the Valera protests have been reasonable and motivated by deep moral objections and that looks Collins in a negative light, have irresponsibly signed away the nation’s interests because of incompetence or a self-serving agenda. The controversy Treaty share the entire nationalist movement. Sinn Féin, the Dáil, the IRB and the army split into pro- and anti-Treaty factions. Supreme Council of the IRB had been informed in detail about every aspect of the negotiations on the Treaty and had approved many of its provisions, and they voted unanimously to approve the treaty only notable exception of Liam Lynch, later the COS of the anti-Treaty IRA. [61]
Dáil debated the Treaty bitterly for ten days until it was approved by a vote of 64 to 57. [62] After losing the vote, de Valera announced its intention to withdraw its participation from the Dáil and urged all deputies who had voted against the Treaty follow him. A large number made it official sharing government. This set the stage for civil war.
A large part of the Irish Republican Army opposed the Treaty. Some followed the political leadership of the anti-Treaty TDs, others were acting on their own beliefs, with more or less equal suspicion of politicians in general. Anti-Treaty IRA units began to seize the building and take other guerrilla actions against the Provisional Government. On April 14, 1922 a group of 200 anti-Treaty IRA men occupied the Four Courts in Dublin according to Rory O’Connor, a hero of the Revolutionary War. The four courts was the center of the Irish court system, originally under the British and then the Free State.Collins is charged by his Free State colleagues to put down the rebels, however, he resisted firing on former comrades and averted a shooting war during this period. [63] [64]
While the country was on the edge of civil war, have regular meetings are conducted among the different factions from January to June 1922. In these discussions nationalists strove to solve the problem without armed conflict.Collins and his close associates, TD Harry Boland was among those who worked desperately to heal the rift. [21] [65]
To promote the military unit, Collins and IRB established an “army reunification committee”, including delegates from pro- and anti-Treaty factions. The still secret Irish Republican Brotherhood continued to meet, to promote dialogue between the pro- and anti-Treaty IRA officers. The IRB’s stormy debates on the subject, Collins held out the constitution of the new Free State as a possible solution. Collins then in the process of co-writing this document, and strive to make it a republican constitution contained provisions that would allow the anti-Treaty TD to take their places in good conscience, with no oath of the Crown. [66]
Northern Ireland
After the treaty was signed loyalist conservative combined to bring a violent campaign against the Irish nationalist revolt in northeastern counties comprising Northern Ireland. The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) was created at this time, along with the infamous “Specials”: a. Power amateurs and retired soldiers, as some have claimed was given free rein to terrorize and kill Catholics [67] [68]
In Northern Ireland, there were constant violations of the ceasefire by “unauthorized loyalist paramilitaries”. The predominantly Protestant, unionists government in Northern Ireland support policies which discriminated against Catholics, which, together with violence against Catholics, led many to suggest the presence of an agenda with an Anglo-dominance to push the domestic Irish descent from the northeast county. [21] [69]
While London stepping up pressure on the provisional government to take aggressive military action against anti-Treaty units in the south.
In March, Collins, Sir James Craig, the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, in London. They signed an agreement declaring peace in the north that promised cooperation between Catholics and Protestants in the police and security, a generous budget to restore Catholics to homes that had been destroyed, and many other measures. [70]
The day after the agreement was announced, violence erupted again. A police officer was shot dead in Belfast and in retaliation, the police in Catholic homes nearby and residents shot in their beds, including children.There was no response to Collins demands for an investigation. He and his cabinet warned that they would consider the contract broken Craig acted. [71]
In its constant correspondence with Churchill over violence in the north, Collins protested repeatedly that such breaches of the peace threatened to annul the Treaty of all. [72] The prospect of an extension of the war with England was imminent. The outlook was real enough to June 3, 1922 Churchill presented to the Committee of Imperial Defence plans “to protect Ulster from the invasion of the South”. [73]
Throughout the first months of 1922, Collins has been sending IRA units to the border and sending arms and money to the northern units IRA. Collins went with other IRB and IRA leadership to develop secret plans to launch a clandestine guerrilla war in the northeast. Some British arms had been handed over to the interim government in Dublin was presented by Collins to IRA units in the north. In May-June 1922 Collins and the IRA Chief of Staff Liam Lynch organized an offensive, including both pro- and anti-Treaty IRA units along the border area. Because of this, most northern IRA units supported Collins and 524 individual volunteers came south to join the national army in the Irish Civil War.
Collins, supported by Griffith and Government, held up a “three-step strategy for public, political and military pressure” relating to northern abuse. [21]Negotiations with the London and Belfast governments continued with many promises and broken along the lines of the March 1922 agreement.Within a few days after a public commitment from Dublin not to send troops to the northeast, Churchill sent 1000 British soldiers in a village called Pettigo that straddled the border between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. The troops shelled the village and shot at Free State soldiers and killed three. On June 5, a group of B-Specials sprayed Mater Hospital in Belfast with machine gun fire. Collins demands a full, joint investigation was flatly refused by Churchill. [74]
Amidst all this, the civil war in the south erupted and put Collins plans for northern parked. He was killed before he was able to pursue them further.
provisional Government
Michael Collins turns to an audience iCork on Saint Patrick’s Day, 1922nd
De Valera resigned the presidency and sought re-election but Arthur Griffith replaced him after a close vote on January 9, 1922. Griffith chose as his title “President of Dáil Éireann” (rather than “president” as de Valera had favored.)[75]
Dáil government still had no legal status in British constitutional law. The provisions of the Treaty requires the formation of a new government that would be recognized by Westminster related to Free State dominion which had been introduced by the Treaty.
Despite the resignation of a large part of the Dáil, the Provisional Government (Rialtas Sealadach na hÉireann) was the new Free State formed with Arthur Griffith as President of Dáil and Michael Collins, chairman of the interim government cabinet (effectively the prime minister). Collins also retained its position as finance minister. [76]
In the British legal theory Collins was now a dime appointed Prime Minister of the Commonwealth government, installed under the royal prerogative. To be installed, he had to formally meet the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Viscount FitzAlan head of the British administration in Ireland. The Republican view of the meeting is that Collins met FitzAlan to accept the surrender of Dublin Castle, the official seat of the British government in Ireland. After having surrendered, FitzAlan still in place as viceroy until December 1922.
The Provisional Government’s first duty was to create a constitution for the Free State. This was done by Collins and a team of lawyers. The result of their work was the Irish Constitution in 1922. [77] Although revised in 1930, the current Constitution of Ireland (Bunreacht na hÉireann [78] ) is roughly Collins work.
Collins drew up a republican constitution, but reject the Treaty would include nothing about the British king. His goal was that the Constitution would make it possible to participate in the Dáil by aberrant TDs who opposed the Treaty and refused to take any oath mention the crown.
The Treaty was the Free State is obliged to present its new constitution Westminster for approval. In doing so, in June 1922, Collins and Griffith found Lloyd George decided to veto the provisions that they had fashioned to prevent civil war. [79]
These meetings with Lloyd George and Churchill was bitterly disputed.Collins, albeit less diplomatic than Griffith, de Valera had no less penetrating understanding of policy issues. He complained that he was being manipulated to “make Churchill’s dirty work” of a potential civil war with their own former soldiers. [80] [81]
Val pact
Negotiations to prevent civil war resulted, inter alia, “The Army Documents” published in May 1922, signed by an equal number of pro- and anti-Treaty IRA officers including Collins, Dan Breen and Gearóid O’Sullivan. This manifesto declared that “closing of ranks around is necessary” to prevent “the greatest disaster in Irish history.” It called for new elections, to be followed by the reunion of the government and the army, whatever the outcome.
In this spirit and with the organizing efforts of the moderates on both sides Collins-de Valera “pact” was created. This pact agreed to new elections to Dáil would be held with each candidate running as expressly pro- or anti-Treaty and that, regardless of which side obtained a majority the two factions would join to form a coalition government of national unity.
A referendum on the Treaty also planned but it never took place. Valentina Pact on June 16, 1922 therefore includes the best quantitative data on the Irish public in direct response to the Treaty. The results were the pro-Treaty 58 seats, the anti-Treaty 35, the Labour Party 17, independent 7, Farmers Party 7, plus 4 active from Trinity College. [82]
The assassination of Sir Henry Wilson
This section does not cite any sources . Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged ochtas removed. (March 2016) (Read more about how and when to remove this template message) |
Six days after the election of the Pact, Sir Henry Wilson was murdered June 22, 1922 in broad daylight on the stairs in his London home of a couple of London IRA men. A British army field marshal, Wilson had recently resigned his commission and been an MP for Northern Ireland. He had a long history as one of the top British leaders oppose Collins in the Irish conflict. At the time, Wilson had served as military adviser to the Northern Ireland government led avJames Craig, in which role he was considered responsible for the B Specials and other sources of loyalist violence in the north.
The order to shoot Wilson has been attributed to Irish leaders including Collins and Rory O’Connor, but with questionable authority. Although undoubtedly killed by two IRA men-who were captured and confessed-no one has ever taken responsibility for ordering the shooting. While Wilson had really been a potential target for Collins’ Squad “during the war of independence, all outstanding orders had summarily canceled when these forces stood down at the peace. O’Connor explicitly denied any involvement, as did the IRB on behalf of Collins and Arthur Griffith on behalf of the Provisional Government. No direct explanation seems to have been made on the subject by Collins during the two months he survived Wilson.
The debate on Collins commitment continued in the 1950s, when a number of statements and rebuttals on the subject were published in journals. These can be printed with the addition of Rex Taylor’s 1961 book, assassination, death, Sir Henry Wilson and tragedy in Ireland . The participants in the discussion was Joe Dolan, Florence O’Donoghue, Denis P. Kelleher, Patrick O’Sullivan and others. [83] [84]
civil War
Main article: Irish Civil War
Michael Collins gave the order to bomb the four courts with artillery shells in an attempt to remove Anti-treaty IRA. This would be the beginning of denirländska Civil War.
Death Sir Henry Wilson caused a furor in London. Powerful conservative voices who opposed any deal with the Irish rebels drowned out the moderates, with calls for a violent reaction. Under this pressure, Churchill issued an ultimatum demanding that the interim government quit the anti-Treaty occupation of the Four Courts or before a full-scale military invasion.[85]
A few days later, the anti-Treaty IRA men kidnapped JJ “Ginger” O’Connell, a Free State general. These two developments led to the Provisional Government June 27, 1922 for serving notice of the Four Courts garrison to surrender the building at night or face military action “at once”. [86]
Collins’ position in this conflict was really extraordinary. “A majority might” of the army he led the war was now ranged against the Free State, which he represented. In addition, the force of will of the voters, he had to lead had been reorganized since the peace. Formed by a core of pro-Treaty IRA men, it had evolved into a more formal, structured, uniformed national army that was armed and funded by the UK. Many of the new members were World War I veterans and others who had not fought on the Nationalist side before. It was now ten times greater than the force that had won independence, but populated with former British Army personnel. Collins deeply mixed feelings about this situation is recorded in his private and official correspondence. [87] [88] [88] [89] [90] [91]
Michael Collins, as Commander-in-Chief of deirländska national forces.
Artillery was submitted to Mulcahy and the Free State Army by the British in anticipation of a siege. Emmet Dalton, a former British officer Irish origin who was now a senior Free State captain and close associate of Collins, was placed in charge of it.
There is no definite record of who gave the order to begin shelling the Four Courts. Historians have simply assumed that it was Collins. There is only anecdotal evidence of how and when the ultimatum was served on the anti-Treaty garrison, if sufficient time were the four Courts men to surrender, or whether the shelling began rash while Garrison was read out his arms to leave the building. Further studies remains at this most critical event of 1922, which actually started the civil war in earnest. [91] [92]
Fierce fighting broke out in Dublin between the anti-Treaty IRA and the Free State troops. A large part of O’Connell Street suffered severe damage, were Gresham Hotel burned and Four Courts is reduced to a ruin. Still under the direction of Collins, Free State quickly took control of the capital. In July 1922 anti-Treaty forces held much of the southern province of Munster and several other parts of the country. At the height of his success administered the local authorities and the police in large areas. [93] Collins, Richard Mulcahy and Eoin O’Duffy decided on a series of seaborne landings in the Republican held areas, which again took Munster and the West in July August.
Also in July, Collins dedicate his title as President of the Provisional Government to become Commander-in-Chief of the National Army. [94]There is controversy about this change, especially considering the upcoming events: what, if anything, it said about his relationship with the government;what role, if any, change in government may have played in it; what context had any tragedy that followed. [91] [92]
Civil War peace initiative
There is much to suggest that Collins trip to Cork in August 1922 was made to meet Republican leaders in order to end the war. [95] [96] [97] In this case, it would explain a lot that remains mysterious journey .
The question of his participation in peace talks is debated by historians. It has ramifications for opposing political views about him and especially for his death. If this was a peace mission, it was without any record of official interference and sanctions from the Provisional Government Cabinet. But this is not necessarily in harmony with the general character of the peace negotiations in wartime. The first contacts with British negotiators had been “a dead secret,” even from many of his colleagues. [98] It was not unknown for Collins to make bold, controversial move at its own initiative. Private and personal correspondence shows that it was less than perfect confidence and friendliness between Collins and some members of the Dáil. There was considerable friction between the ministers of war and the treatment of anti-Treaty fighters. [99]
A remarkable number of meetings that included leading figures on both sides took place in Cork on 21 to 22 August 1922. [100] In Cork City, hit neutral IRA men Seán Collins O’Hegarty and Florence O’Donoghue in order to contact the anti-Treaty IRA leader Tom Barry and Tom Hales to propose a truce.Lateral anti-Treaty had called a large gathering of officers at Béal na Bláth, a remote crossroads, with the end of the war on the agenda. [101]
Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy påArthur Griffith’s funeral, a few days before Collins own death.
De Valera was there, and his assistant reported that a meeting between him and Collins were planned. People’s Rights Association, a local initiative in Cork City had been mediating a discussion of terms between the interim government and the anti-Treaty side for a few weeks. [21] [102]
Fred Conditions were described in Collins correspondence and diary.Republicans would have to “accept the people’s verdict” on the Treaty but may then “go home without their weapons. We do not ask any surrender of their principles. “This suggests that Collins favored a policy of amnesty, without penalties. It is alleged that the anti-Treaty veterans of the Revolutionary War may be offered a choice to take their place either in the Free State army, the civil service, or even in covert operations against the para-militaries in the north. [103]
This is significant given the draconian policies, including execution without trial, sought by the Free State government following the death of Collins and Arthur Griffith within days of each other. The deaths of Collins and Griffith marked the end of the Free State efforts to reunify the victory of the War of Independence strengths through a negotiated settlement. [104]
Death
Michael Collins’s body is in the hospital after he was shot to death at Béal na Bláth.
Collins’s death remain a mystery for a number of reasons. The only witnesses were the Free State Army members of his convoy ambushes and anti-Treaty. Since all these, the participants get their accounts not to be objective. No two witness match and many are contradictory. [105] There is no complete list of the persons involved and none of the witnesses were ever questioned by authorities. Their accounts have been passed down through newspapers, cinemas, private documents and personal contacts. One version suggests Collins was to meet De Valera and discuss ways to end the conflict. [Citation needed ]
The rest of this section shows only those facts most generally agree.Although some of these disputed in some sources.
In August 1922 appeared the Civil War to liquidate. Free State had regained control over most of the country and Collins made frequent trips to inspect the areas recently recovered from the anti-Treaty forces. [106]
Collins grave, Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin
His plan to travel to his native Cork August 20 was considered particularly dangerous and he steadfastly advised against it by several trusted employees.County Cork was an IRA stronghold, much of it still held by anti-Treaty forces. But he seemed determined to make the journey without delay. He had fended of a number of attempts on his life in the previous weeks and had admitted more than once, in private conversation, that the civil war could end his life at any time. On several occasions, Collins assured his advisors “they will not shoot me in my own county,” or words to that effect.
On August 22, 1922 Collins indicated from Cork City on a meandering tour of West Cork. He passed first through Macroom then took Bandon road via Crooks. This led to Béal na Bláth an isolated crossroads. There ended up at a local pub, now known as The Diamond Bar, [107] to ask a question about a man who was standing in the intersection. The man turned out to be an anti-Treaty vaktpost.Han and an associate are recognized Collins in the back of the open car. [108]
As a result, it was an ambush through a column anti-Treaty at this time, on the chance that the convoy can come through again on his return. [109]
Between 07:30 and 08:00, Collins convoy approached Béal na Bláth for the second time. Since most of the ambush party had dispersed and gone for the day, leaving only five or six men on stage. Two were disarming a mine in the road, while three in a laneway with a view of them as a cover. A dray wagon, located across the street, remained at the far end of the ambush site.
Shot exchanged. Collins, who suffered a head wound, was the only fatality.Almost every detail of what happened in doubt due to conflicting reports from participants and other deficiencies in the record.
A copy of Crossley Tender Collins convoy on the day of his death in a replica of the road where it happened on display at the Michael Collins Centre, Clonakilty [110]
Some of the details most contentious among the witnesses are: the shooting started, what kind of fire convoy came under where ambushes “first shots hit where Collins was and what he did when he was hit, if anyone else was hurt, if the armored car’s machine gun were fully functional throughout the procedure, which moved Collins’s body, which was nearby when Collins fell.
Many questions have been raised regarding the handling of Collins remains immediately after his death. Among them are excessively long convoy took to cover the twenty miles back to Cork City, who searched his clothes, and what became of the document, he was known to have carried on his person (as his field diary, which did not appear up until decades later).
The medical evidence is also missing. There is imperfect records about which doctors examined the body; if an autopsy was performed, and if so, by whom; which hospital his body was transferred to, and why; and, most importantly, what was the exact number and nature of their injuries.
Author on the subject such as J. Feehan and SM Sigerson has demanded a full forensic examination of Collins’s remains to try to solve at least some of these controversies about its end. [111] [112]
Aftermath
Sean Collins behind the coffin of his brother Michael.
Collins’s body was transported by sea from Cork to Dublin. He lay in state for three days in Dublin City Hall where tens of thousands of mourners filed past his coffin to pay their respects, including the many British soldiers departing Ireland who had fought against him. His funeral mass took place at Dublin’s Pro Cathedral where a number of foreign and Irish dignitaries were present.Some 500,000 people attended his funeral, nearly a fifth of the country’s population at the time. [21]
No official inquiry ever undertaken in Collins’s death and therefore there is no official version of what happened, nor are there any authoritative, detailed contemporary records. [113]
Funeral of Michael Collins in the Pro-Cathedral, Dublin (contemporary newspaper’s depiction of the state funeral)
In this vacuum is independent investigations, and conspiracy theorists put forward a number of suspects have been carried out or ordered his death, including an anti-Treaty sharpshooter, members of his own escort, the British intelligence, or de Valera himself.
De Valera allegedly stated in 1966, “It is my considered opinion that in due course, history will record the greatness of Michael Collins ,. And it will be recorded at my expense ” [114]
A number of books have been devoted entirely to the study of Collins’s death (in chronological order): The day Michael was shot by Meda Ryan, shooting of Michael Collins: Murder or accident by John M. Feehan, the dark secret of Béal na Bláth by Patrick Twohig and murder of Michael Collins: What happened at Béal na Bláth? SM Sigerson.
Personal life
Collins on his bike.
Collins elderly father inspired his love and respect for older people. His mother, who had spent his youth to take care of their own invalid mother and raise their own brothers and sisters, was a strong influence. The entire management of the Collins estate fell to her that her husband succumbed to old age and died. In a society that honored hospitality prime virtue, Mrs. Collins was eulogized as “a hostess in ten thousand.” Her five daughters avowedly doted on his youngest brother. [9] [21]
Collins home the spirit of self-sacrifice, welcome and inclusion later turned the key in its ability to unite people of all genders and walks of life and orchestrate them in an effective, enthusiastic, cooperative force for Irish self-determination. [115] Collins revolution was also a family affair. He continued to work in close collaboration with his brothers throughout the struggle for independence and cousins Nancy O’Brien, one of his most important mole in the British administration. [21]
He was very much a “man’s man”, fond of rough housing and outdoor sports.After winning a local wrestling championship, while a boy, he is said to have made a pastime to challenge larger, older opponents, with frequent success.A very fit, active man throughout life, in the most stressful times, he continued to enjoy wrestling as a form of relaxation and valued friendship that provided opportunities to share athletic pursuits. [21]
Intense hard working, Collins could be abrasive, demanding and sometimes inconsiderate of those around him. But he often apologized for his own temperament, with gestures such as confectionery and other small gifts, sometimes delivered with great personal risk in Dublin wartime environment. [116] [117]
Unlike some of his political opponents, he is characterized by many close personal friends in the movement. It has been rightly said that while some were devoted to “the idea of Ireland”, Collins was a person whose patriotism was rooted in the love and respect of the people of Ireland around him.Among his famous last words, the last entry in his pocket diary, written in the trip that ended his life, “The people are brilliant.” [118] [119] [120]
His personal warmth and charm combined with an uncanny ability to create confidence in a wide range of people. No other Irish leaders of the time, matched his remarkable ability to recruit people of all kinds to movement, gaining their trust and loyalty, refining capacity and unite them in a coordinated effort which was the maximum value to the cause. [121]
Collins was a complex man whose character abounded in contradictions.The Minister of Finance and the auditor before the war occupation, he seems never to have exercised personal gain; indeed sometimes during the war all but hemlösa.Medan clearly fond of command and keen to take responsibility, he had a similar appetite for input and advice from people at all levels of the organization, which led to the comment that “he took advice from his driver . ” [122] Although acknowledged by friends and foes as” head center “of the movement, he chose constantly a title only briefly actual head of state; becomes president of the provisional government after the resignation of half the Dáil forced him to do it. While his official and personal correspondence register their anxious care for the wishes of the rebels in need, during the war, he showed no hesitation to order the death of opponents who threatened nationalist life. [123]
Surely a man of fierce pride, his pride is tempered by a sense of humor that included a strong sense of the absurdity of their situation. [124] Although the mastermind behind a secret military, he remained a public figure. When the official head of the Free State government, he continued to work in the IRA’s secret operations. He could bold, decisive action on its own initiative, which caused friction with his colleagues, his falling out with Cathal Brugha, for example; but at critical times, he may also bow to the majority who were deeply disadvantageous and dangerous to their interests (such as his appointment to the Treaty negotiating team.)
These can be contradictions in his character. But they are also contradictions unique position he held, in a time of social unrest, when the usual parameters and paradigms of society is in a state of change.
Relationships with women
Kitty Kiernan
Formative role of many strong, competent, loving women around him until a man who deeply respected women and thrived on the female companion of all ages. It is also manifested in sensitive, nurturing care to those he was responsible for. His appointment as aide-de-camp to the 1916 Rising organizer Joseph Plunkett, whose chronic health problems was a challenge to his presence at the GPO HQ, is a sign of these properties. Both his official correspondence, and countless personal memoirs record empathy and sensitivity in his personal account of the needs and hardships volunteers and their families. [21]
Collins lifetime coincides exactly with a period of aggressive, mass agitation for women’s rights. The women’s suffrage movement in Ireland was often closely associated with the campaign for Irish independence. Many proponents belonged to both camps. Full suffrage for women was enshrined in the 1916 notice, the legal foundation documents of the Republic of Ireland. This was the political climate Collins grew up and flourished. But he remained one of the few speakers of the time used the language gender inclusive in their speech and explicitly recognized women’s contributions and problems on a regular basis there. [125] [126]
Collins pioneer in the independence movement, Charles Stewart Parnell, was defeated by a sexual scandal. Collins detractors have sometimes tried to raise similar issues. He is reported to have sowed some wild oats during his teenage career in London [127] (albeit while living under the roof of an older sister) but no scandal about his sexual life has ever been substantiated.
Collins intimate relationship seems to have been no less healthy, powerful and well executed than other aspects of his life. His relationships with women were affectionate and gave no evidence either inexperience, excess or aberration. [128] [129]
At the same time, he said that never have been without female companionship. He carried on relationships and written correspondence with a number of women like Susan Killeen and “Dilly” Dicker, who also worked with him in positions of great trust in the struggle for independence.Their correspondence shows that they remained on friendly terms until the end of his life.
In 1921-1922, he became engaged to Kitty Kiernan and made plans for a normal family life after the war. 241 letters in their extensive correspondence survive. These are an important record not only of their intimacy, but also of his daily life. [130]
The letters detail his exhausting schedule during simultaneous national crisis and also document the challenges facing the couple to find time together under the circumstances. That way they do it is quite doubtful that he could have also paid great attention to additional links. Allegations of the deal (s) with English society women at the same time are unfounded, and filled with suspected political connotations. The related Hazel Lavery derives mainly to the lady herself, and not supported by evidence. [131]
Commemoration
Memorial cross at Béal na Bláth.
An annual memorial ceremony takes place every year in August at the ambush site at Béal na Bláth, County Cork, organized by Béal na Bláth brandsorted Committee. In 2009, former President of Ireland, Mary Robinson gave the oration. In 2010, Finance Minister Brian Lenihan, Jnr became the first Fianna Fáil person to give the oration. 2012 on the 90th anniversary of the death of Collins, the Prime Minister Enda Kenny gave the oration, the first serving head of government to do so.
There is also a memorial ceremony in Glasnevin cemetery at Collins’s grave on the anniversary of his death.
The Irish central bank released the gold and silver commemorative coins August 15, 2012, which is a portrait of Michael Collins designed by Thomas Ryan, based on a photograph taken not long before his death. [132]
Legacy
Love Ireland by John Lavery.
Collins bequeathed to posterity the subject of extensive writing: essays, speeches and writings, articles and official documents in which he skisse plans for Ireland’s economic and cultural revival, and an extensive correspondence, both public and personal. Elections have been published inThe Road to Freedom (Mercier, 1968) and Michael Collins in his own words(Gill & Macmillan, 1997). In the 1960s, Prime Minister Seán Lemass, himself a veteran of the 1916 Rising and the war, the credit Collins ideas that form the basis for his success in revitalizing the Irish economy.
societies
Collins 22 Society was founded in 2002 is an international organization to keep the name and legacy of Michael Collins in living memory. Patron of the Society is Ireland’s former Justice Minister Nora Owen and TD, grand-niece of Michael Collins.
In popular culture
Movies
Bust of Michael Collins at Merrion Square Park, Dublin, Ireland.
1936 The film beloved enemy is a fictional account of Collins lives. Unlike the real Michael Collins, the fictional “Dennis Riordan” (played by Brian Aherne) is shot, but recovers. Hang Up Your Brightest Colours , a British documentary by Kenneth Griffith, made for ITV in 1973, but refused transmission. It was finally screened by the BBC in Wales in 1993 and the UK the following year.
1969, Dominic Behan wrote an episode of the British TV series Play today entitled “Michael Collins. The play dealt Collins attempt to take the gun out of Irish politics and took the perspective Republican arguments. At the time of writing the script, the troubles had just begun in Northern Ireland and BBC were reluctant to broadcast production. An appeal by the author of David Attenborough (head of programming for the BBC at the time) resulted in the play finally sent; Attenborough considered the requirements of freedom of expression can not be compromised in the cause of political considerations.
An Irish documentary made by Colm Connolly for RTÉ Television in 1989 called The Shadow of Béal na Bláth covered Collins dead. A made for TV movie, The Treaty , was produced in 1991 and played Brendan Gleeson as Collins and Ian Bannen as David Lloyd George. In 2007 RTÉ produced a documentary titled Get Collins , intelligence war that took place in Dublin.[133] [134]
Collins was the subject of director Neil Jordan’s 1996 film Michael Collinswith Liam Neeson in the title role. Collins great-GRANDNEPHEW, Aengus O’Malley, played a student in a scene filmed in Marsh library.
In 2005 Cork Opera House commissioned a musical drama about Collins. [135]“Michael Collins” by Brian Flynn had a successful run in 2009, Cork Opera House and later at the Olympia Theatre in Dublin.
Infamous assassinations , a 2007 British documentary television series, devoted his third episode of the death of Collins.
songs
Wax figure of Michael Collins at the National Wax Museum Plus, Dublin, Ireland.
Irish-American folk rock band Black 47 recorded a song titled “The Big Fellah” which was the first track on their 1994 album Home of the Brave . The details Collins’s career, from the Easter Rising to his death at Béal na Bláth.Irish folk band the Wolfe Tones recorded a song titled “Michael Collins” Collins life and death, even if it starts when he was about 16 and took a job in London. Celtic metal band Cruachan recorded a song also titled “Michael Collins” on their 2004 album Pagan dealt with his role in the Civil War, the Treaty and his eventual death. Also a song by Johnny McEvoy, simply named “Michael”, depicts Collins’s death and sadness surrounding his funeral.
The poem “laughing boy” by Brendan Behan lamenting the death of Collins was translated into Greek in 1961 by Vasilis Rotas. In October the same year, Mikis Theodorakis composed the song “To γελαστό παιδί” ( “The Laughing Boy”) by Rota’s “translation. The song was recorded by Maria Farantouri 1966 album “Ένας όμηρος” ( “The hostage”) and became an instant success. It was the soundtrack to the film Z (1969). “Laughing Boy” became the song of protest against the dictatorship in Greece (1967-1974) and is so far one of the most popular songs in the Greek popular culture.
Play
Mary Kenny wrote a play Allegiance , a meeting between Winston Churchill and Michael Collins. The play was adapted for the stage in 2006 for the Edinburgh Festival Fringe with Mel Smith plays Winston Churchill and Michael Fassbender, a very large GRANDNEPHEW by Michael Collins, Michael Collins plays. [136] [137]
Game
Collins appears as president and dictator of Ireland in the alternate history game modification “Kaiserreich: Legacy of Weltrieg” for Darkest Hour: A Hearts of Iron Game .
See also
- F. Digby Hardy
- Families in the Oireachtas
- List of members of the Oireachtas imprisoned during the Irish revolutionary period
- List of people on stamps of Ireland
References
- ^ Jump up to: ab “Michael Collins”. Oireachtas members Database.Hämtad1 June 2009.
- Jump up ^ “Evidence of an Irish politicians scruples on expenses … 1922” .The Irish Times. 8 November 2010. Archived from the original 14 November 2010.
- Jump up ^ Michael Collins: A Life , p.18, Mainstream Publishing (10 March 1997), ISBN 978-1851589494, [1]
- ^ Jump up to: ab Coogan, TP “Michael Collins” London; Arrow Books, 1991
- Jump up ^ “July 17, 1815 – Baptism of Father Michael Collins” (PDF).The church books on Irish Genealogy Site. Retrieved March 6, 2013.
- Jump up ^ “August 3, 1852 – Baptism of Michael Collins mother” (PDF) .Kyrkböcker on Irish Genealogy Site. Retrieved March 6, 2013.
- Jump up ^ “February 26, 1876 – Marriage of Michael Collins parents” (PDF) .Kyrkböcker on Irish Genealogy Site. Retrieved March 6, 2013.
- Jump up ^http://www.communigate.co.uk/ne/slaggyisland/page10.phtml
- ^ Jump up to: ab memoires by Mary Collins-Powell and Sister Celestine (Helena Collins)
- Jump up ^ Michael Collins, personal correspondence October 1916
- Jump up ^ memoires by Mary Collins-Powell and Sister Celestine (Helena Collins); family correspondence, cousin Michael O’Brien in 1922
- Jump up ^ West Cork People issue August 22, 2002 p. 3
- ^ Jump up to: ab Exploring Irish leaders youthful past – from the BBC
- Jump up ^ British Postal service Books, 1737-1969 Michael J Collins
- Jump up ^ Kings College London list of notable alumni
- Jump up ^ Mackay, James. Michael Collins: A Life . p. 38
- Jump up ^ Stewart, Anthony Terence Quincey. Michael Collins: The Secret File . p. 8
- Jump up ^ P46 James Alexander Mackay Michael Collins: A LifeMainstream Publishing, 1996
- Jump up ^ Clarke, Kathleen, “Kathleen Clarke: Revolutionary Woman” Dublin: O’Brien Press Ltd. 2008
- Jump up ^ Nancy O’Brien, cousin Michael Collins, quoted in Forester, Margery “The Lost Leader” London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1971
- ^ Jump up to: abcdefghijklmnopqrs Coogan, TP “Michael Collins” in 1990
- Jump up ^ Teiliflís Gaeltachta / Radio Éireann Teiliflía “An gCoilaiste Réabhloid” 2010
- ^ Jump up to: abc Feeney, Brian “Sinn Fein: a hundred turbulent years” Dublin; O’Brien Press Ltd., 2002
- Jump up ^ “Michael Collins”. ElectionsIreland.org. Retrieved 1 June 2009.
- Jump up ^ Mackay, p. 116
- Jump up ^ [2] Collins 22 Society Page on “The National Loan 1920”
- Jump up ^ [3] O’Connor, Batt “With Michael Collins in the fight for Irish independence” 2nd ed, Millstreet. Aubane Historical Society. (S87)
- Jump up ^ Breen, Dan “My struggle for Irish freedom” Dublin, Talbot Press 1924
- Jump up ^ Sigerson, SM “The assassination of Michael Collins 😕 What happened at Béal na Bláth “Kindle Direct Publishing 2013
- Jump up ^ Michael Collins, personal correspondence 1916-1917
- Jump up ^ Barry, Tom “Guerrilla Days in Ireland” Dublin, Irish Press 1949
- Jump up ^ Clarke, Kathleen “Kathleen Clarke: Revolutionary Woman” Dublin O’Brien Press Ltd. 2008
- Jump up ^ E O’Malley, “On another man’s wounds” (Dublin 1937)
- Jump up ^ Barry, Tom “Guerrilla Days in Ireland” Dublin, Irish Press 1949
- Jump up ^ O’Donoghue, Florence and Josephine “Florence and Josephine O’Donoghue’s War of Independence” Dublin, Irish Academic Press, 2006
- Jump up ^ Clarke, Kathleen “Kathleen Clarke: Revolutionary Woman” O’Brien Press 2008
- Jump up ^ Barry, Tom “Guerrilla Days in Ireland” Dublin, Irish Press 1949
- Jump up ^ Neligan, David “The Spy in the castle” London, Prendeville Publishing 1999
- Jump up ^ Deasy, Liam “Brother against brother” Cork, Mercier 1982
- ^ Jump up to: ab Page at generalmichaelcollins.com
- Jump up ^ Wilson Diaries, Vol II, p 293
- Jump up ^ Cabinet Office, (Westminster Government) London
- Jump up ^ British Cabinet minutes, 1921
- Jump up ^ LS Amery, my political life. Volume Two: War and Peace 1914-1929 (London: Hutchinson, 1953), p. 230.
- Jump up ^ Michael Collins, quoted by columnist CW Ackerman August 1920
- Jump up ^ Deasy, Liam “Brother to Brother”
- Jump up ^ Phoenix, Eamonn “Michael Collins – North Question 1916-1922” in “Michael Collins and The Making of the Irish State” (Doherty & Keogh, editors)
- Jump up ^ Deasy, Liam “Brother to Brother”
- Jump up ^ O’Donoghue, Florence “any other Act” Dublin, Irish Press 1954
- Jump up ^ Neligan, David “The Spy in the castle” London, Prendeville Publishing 1999
- Jump up ^ Coogan, Tim Pat. IRA: A History , p. 76
- Jump up ^ British cabinet minutes, memoranda
- Jump up ^ De Valera, Eamonn, equivalent to Michael Collins, 13 July 1921
- Jump up ^ O’Connor, Batt “With Michael Collins in the fight for Irish independence” in 1929
- Jump up ^ Mackay, p. 217
- Jump up ^ O’Broin, Leon “Michael Collins”
- Jump up ^ Deasy, Liam “Brother to Brother”
- Jump up ^ Phoenix, Eamonn “Michael Collins – North Question 1916-1922”, in “Michael Collins and The Making of the Irish State” (Doherty & Keogh, editors)
- Jump up ^ Collins, Michael “Road to Freedom” Cork, Mercier 1968
- Jump up ^ O’Broin, Leon “Michael Collins” Dublin, Gill & MacMillan 1980
- Jump up ^ Coogan, Michael Collins , pp. 236-276.
- Jump up ^ Debate on the treaty between the UK and Ireland … from University College Cork
- Jump up ^ provisional government minutes, the Public Records Office, Dublin
- Jump up ^ O’Donoghue, Florence “any other Act” Dublin, Irish Press, 1954
- Jump up ^ Fitzpatrick, David “Harry Boland Irish revolution” Cork, Cork University Press, 2003
- Jump up ^ O’Donoghue, Florence “any other Act” Dublin, Irish Press, 1954
- Jump up ^ Mulcahy paper UCD, Northern Division Intelligence Report October 26, 1921
- Jump up ^ Macready personal correspondence December 10, 1920
- Jump up ^ Taylor, Rex “Assassination” London; Hutchinson 1961
- Jump up ^ British Government Offices
- Jump up ^ MC official correspondence, 5 and 10 April 1922
- Jump up ^ Michael Collins letter to Churchill, June 6, 1922
- Jump up ^ British Cabinet minutes 16/42 Public Records Office, London
- Jump up ^ correspondence between Michael Collins and Winston Churchill in June 1922
- Jump up ^ Younger, Calton “Arthur Griffith” Dublin, Gill & Macmillan 1981
- Jump up ^ provisional government minutes, the Public Records Office, Dublin
- Jump up ^ The Constitution of the Irish Free State 1922http: //www.ucc.ie/celt/online/E900003-004/
- Jump up ^http://www.constitution.org/cons/ireland/constitution_ireland-en.pdf
- Jump up ^ Coogan, TP “Michael Collins”
- Jump up ^ provisional government minutes, the Public Records Office, Dublin
- Jump up ^ Michael Collins – Winsonn Churchill correspondence June 1922
- Jump up ^ Public Records Office, Dublin
- Jump up ^ Taylor, Rex “The murder: the death of Sir Henry Wilson and the tragedy of Ireland” (London 1961)
- Jump up ^ Sigerson, SM “The assassination of Michael Collins 😕 What happened at Béal na Bláth “Kindle Direct Publishing 2013
- Jump up ^ Taylor, Rex. Assassination London, Hutchinson, 1961
- Jump up ^ provisional government minutes, June 27, 1922, the Public Records Office, Dublin
- Jump up ^ Kissane, Bill. The Politics of Irish civil war ISBN 978-0-19-927355-3. page 77
- ^ Jump up to: ab Kee, Robert. The Green Flag: the turbulent history of the Irish national movement . ISBN 978-0-14-029165-0. p. 739
- Jump up ^ Garvin, Tom (2005) 1922: the birth of Irish democracy . Gill & Macmillan Ltd. p. 12
- Jump up ^ O’Broin, Leon. Michael Collins Dublin, Gill & MacMillan 1980
- ^ Jump up to: abc Feehan, John M. shooting of Michael Collins: Murder or accident? Cork, Mercier 1981
- ^ Jump up to: ab Sigerson, SM assassination of Michael Collins: What happened at Béal na Bláth? Kindle Direct Publishing 2013
- Jump up ^ Clarke, Kathleen. Kathleen Clarke: Revolutionary womanO’Brien Press, 2008
- Jump up ^ provisional government minutes, in July 1922, MC official and private correspondence, July 1922
- Jump up ^ Feehan, John M “recording of Michael Collins: Murder or accident” Cork, Mercier 1981
- Jump up ^ Deasy, Liam “Brother to Brother”
- Jump up ^ Sigerson, SM “The assassination of Michael Collins 😕 What happened at Béal na Bláth “Create Space / KDP 2013
- Jump up ^ Neligan, David “The Spy in the castle” London, Prendeville Publishing 1999
- Jump up ^ Feehan, John M “recording of Michael Collins: Murder or accident” Cork, Mercier 1981
- Jump up ^ Sigerson, SM “The assassination of Michael Collins 😕 What happened at Béal na Bláth “Kindle Direct Publishing 2013
- Jump up ^ Deasy, Liam “Brother to Brother”
- Jump up ^ O’Donoghue, Florence “any other Act” Dublin, Irish Press, 1954
- Jump up ^ Feehan, John M “recording of Michael Collins: Murder or accident” Cork, Mercier 1981
- Jump up ^ O’Donoghue, Florence “any other Act” Dublin, Irish Press, 1954
- Jump up ^ Feehan, John M “recording of Michael Collins: Murder or accident” Cork, Mercier 1981
- Jump up ^ O’Broin, Leon “Michael Collins” Dublin, Gill & MacMillan 1980
- Jump up ^ https://thediamondbar.wordpress.com/history/
- Jump up ^ Feehan, John M “recording of Michael Collins: Murder or accident” Cork, Mercier 1981
- Jump up ^ Deasy, Liam “Brother to Brother”
- Jump up ^ Michael Collins Centre, Clonakilty
- Jump up ^ Sigerson, SM “The assassination of Michael Collins 😕 What happened at Béal na Bláth “KDP / create space in 2013
- Jump up ^ Feehan, John M “recording of Michael Collins: Murder or accident” Cork, Mercier 1981
- Jump up ^ Feehan, John M “recording of Michael Collins: Murder or accident” Cork, Mercier 1981
- Jump up ^ Dolan, Anne (2006). In memory of the Irish Civil War: History and Memory, 1923-2000. Studies in the social and cultural history of modern warfare. 13 . Cambridge University Press. p. 87. ISBN 978-0-521-02698-7.
- Jump up ^ Osborne, Chrissy “Michael Collins himself” Cork, Mercier 2003
- Jump up ^ O’Broin, Leon “Michael Collins” Dublin, Gill & MacMillan 1980
- Jump up ^ Michael Collins personal correspondence
- Jump up ^ Michael Collins field diary, August 22, 1922
- Jump up ^ Barry, Tom “Guerrilla Days in Ireland” Dublin, Irish Press 1949
- Jump up ^ O’Connor, Batt “With Michael Collins in the fight for Irish independence” in 1929
- Jump up ^ Osborne, Chrissy “Michael Collins himself” Cork, Mercier 2003
- Jump up ^ Neligan, David “The Spy in the castle” London, Prendeville Publishing 1999
- Jump up ^ Collins, Michael (Costello, Francis J., ed.) “Michael Collins, in his own words,” Dublin, Gill & Macmillan, 1997
- Jump up ^ Michael Collins personal correspondence
- Jump up ^ McCoole, Sinead “no ordinary women: Irish women activists in the revolutionary years 1900-1923” Dublin, O’Brien Press 2008
- Jump up ^ Collins, Michael (Costello, Francis J., ed.) “Michael Collins, in his own words,” Dublin, Gill & Macmillan, 1997
- Jump up ^ Coogan, Tim Pat, Michael Collins
- Jump up ^ Ryan, MEDA “Michael Collins and the women in his life” Cork, Mercier Press 1996
- Jump up ^ Sigerson, SM “The assassination of Michael Collins 😕 What happened at Béal na Bláth “Kindle Direct Publishing 2013
- Jump up ^ O’Bróin, Leon “in haste: the letters of Michael Collins and Kitty Kiernan” Dublin, Gill & MacMillan 1996
- Jump up ^ Sigerson, SM “The assassination of Michael Collins 😕 What happened at Béal na Bláth “Kindle Direct Publishing 2013
- Jump up ^ CoinUpdate.com
- Jump up ^ RTE.ie, “Get Collins”
- Jump up ^ IMDb.com, “Get Collins”
- Jump up ^ Cork Opera House
- Jump up ^ Interview with Fassbender
- Jump up ^ OnstageScotland “Allegiance”
Bibliography
- Llewellyn, Morgan (2001). In 1921. Thomas Doherty Press.
- Beaslai, Piaras (1926). Michael Collins and The Making of New Ireland.Dublin Phoenix.
- Bradford, Martin J. (2003). “The Charity of Silence”. AuthorHouse.Historical / fictional account of the life and times of Michael Collins.ISBN 1-4107-0641-9.
- Collins, Michael (1922). The road to freedom. Dublin: Talbot Press.
- Coogan, Tim Pat (1990). Michael Collins: A Biography.
- Coogan, Tim Pat (2002). Michael Collins: The man who made Ireland.Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-312-29511-1.
- Deasy, Liam (1992). Brother against brother. Mercier.
- Doherty, Gabriel (1998). Michael Collins and The Making of the Irish State. Mercier.
- Dwyer, T. Ryle (1999). Big Fellow, Longfellow: A joint biography of Collins and De Valera. St. Martin’s Press. ISBN 0-7171-4084-9.
- Dwyer, T. Ryle (2005). The squad and intelligence operations by Michael Collins. Mercier Press. ISBN 1-85635-469-5.
- Feehan, John M. (1981). The recording of Michael Collins: Murder or accident? . Mercier.
- Feeney, Brian (2002). Sinn Féin: A hundred turbulent years. O’Brien Press.
- . Hart, Peter (2007) Mick: The Real Michael Collins. Penguin.
- McDonnell, Kathleen Keyes (1972). “There is a bridge in Bandon: a personal account of the Irish War of Independence”. Cork and Dublin.
- Mackay, James (1997). Michael Collins: A Life. Mainstream Publishing.ISBN 1-85158-857-4.
- Neligan, David (1999). The spy in the castle. Prendeville Publishing Ltd.
- Neeson, Eoin (1968). The Life and Death of Michael Collins. Cork.
- O’Broin, Leon (1983). In great haste: The letters of Michael Collins and Kitty Kiernan. Gill and MacMillan.
- O’Connor, Batt (1929). With Michael Collins in the fight for Irish independence. London: Peter Davies.
- O’Connor, Frank (1965). The Big Fellow Michael Collins and the Irish Revolution. Clonmore & Reynolds.
- O’Donoghue, Florence (1954). No other law. Irish Press.
- O’Donoghue, Florence (2006). Florence and Josephine O’Donoghue Irish revolution. Irish Academic Press.
- Osborne, Chrissy (2003). Michael Collins himself. Mercier.
- Regan, John M. (2012). “The” Bandon Valley Massacre “as a historical problem.” History 97th
- Sigerson, SM (2013). The assassination of Michael Collins: What happened at Béal na Bláth? . Kindle Direct Publishing.
- Stewart, Anthony Terence Quincey (1997). Michael Collins: The Secret File. The University of Michigan. ISBN 0-85640-614-7.
- Talbot, Hayden (1923). Michael Collins own history. London: Hutchinson.
- Taylor, Rex (1958). Michael Collins. Hutchinson.
- Young, Calton (1968). Ireland Civil War. London.